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By Carol Andrews

Amulets are adorns believed to endow the wearer by means of magical potential with the houses they symbolize. They have been first made in Egypt as early as 4000 BC and have been crucial adornments for either the dwelling and the useless. made from gold and silver, semiprecious stones, and not more invaluable fabrics, they're tremendous examples of Egyptian paintings in addition to a necessary resource of facts for non secular ideals. during this publication, Carol Andrews deals the 1st finished account of the categories of amulets made, their symbolism, and their protecting powers. An amuletic foot might be worn to make sure fleetness of foot, a hand for dexterity. The desert-dwelling hare symbolized keenness of the senses, and the hedgehog, which hibernated and survived open air the fertile valley, held connotations of rebirth and overcome dying itself. the ever-present amulet within the form of the dung beetle, often called a scarab, used to be symbolic of recent existence. Amulets within the photo of strong gods will be worn for defense, and malevolent creatures, just like the male hippopotamus, will be worn to push back the evil they represented. either a reference publication and an informative account of Egyptian magical trust, this is often the main entire survey of the topic up to now.

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1, edited by Mu˙ammad Kamàl al-Dìn 'Izz al-Dìn 'Alì (Beirut: 'Àlam al-Kutub, 1992), p. 162. , p. 164. 75 Al-Sakhàwì, Al-Îaw" al-Làmi ', vol. 1, p. 145. Or that he was “qalìl al-fiqh;” alMaqrìzì, Durar al-Uqùd, vol. 1, p. 163; see also below, footnote n. 77. 76 Vol. 1, pp. 2–3. 77 Also, Ibn Duqmàq’s Nuzhat al-Anàm, even though much less copious in terms of sheer data than Al-Muntaqà, forms the backbone of Ibn al-Furàt’s narrative to which the latter added his own massive material. ”79 This might actually explain the absence of references to other sources both in the main body of his historical narrative and in the obituaries section, with the exception of the poets Shihàb al-Dìn ibn al-'A††àr al-Dunaysirì (d.

3, p. 756. Bacharach claims, without providing any reference, that Nuzhat al-Anàm ended in the year 779 and that Al-Naf˙a is nothing but a continuation of the first work; “Circassian Mamluk Historians,” p. 76. Needless to say that, until more is done to put some order in the “genealogy” of Ibn Duqmàq’s works (partly by finding Dàr al-Kutub MS 1740 tàrìkh), the issue will not be put to rest. 85 Al-Jawhar 'Àshùr, p. 13. The same almost word-for-word information is to be found in Tadmurì’s “Introduction” to Al-Naf˙a, p.

21 He was viceroy of Damascus from 769/1367–8 until 776/1374–5; “Al-Manhal,” Dàr al-Kutub MS 13475 tàrìkh, fols. 798b–800b. His children were to play an important role in the politics of Syria during the disturbances of 792–3; see below, chapter two, pp. 101–3. 22 “Akhbaranì bi-dhàlika Al†unbughà al-Jùbànì ayyàm ittißàlì bi-hi, qàla . ,” Kitàb al'Ibar, vol. 5, p. 462. 23 Al-Yùsufì, who had earlier married the sultan’s mother, had replaced Mankalìbughà as atàbak in 774; Al-Manhal, vol. 3, pp. 40–4.

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